In the span of just a few weeks, the African continent has witnessed a series of electoral spectacles that would be comical if they weren’t so tragic. From Cameroon’s octogenarian leader clinging to power for an eighth term to Côte d’Ivoire’s president securing a landslide victory after barring his main rivals, the pattern is clear. Democracy in Africa is increasingly a farce, where incumbents orchestrate their “wins” through repression, exclusion, and outright manipulation.
As Sierra Leoneans, we watch these events unfold not as distant dramas but as cautionary tales that echo our own history of political instability. The African Charter on Democracy, Elections and Governance (ACDEG), adopted by the African Union in 2007 to promote free, fair, and credible elections, is being flagrantly violated, observed more in its breach than in its adherence.
Consider Cameroon, where 92-year-old President Paul Biya was declared the winner of the October 12, 2025, presidential election with 53.66% of the vote, extending his 43-year rule. Protests erupted in the wake of the results, leading to clashes with security forces that left at least four dead. Biya, the world’s oldest serving leader, has long been accused of rigging elections and suppressing dissent, yet the international community offers little more than tepid condemnations. This is not democracy; it’s dynastic entrenchment disguised as electoral legitimacy, directly contravening the ACDEG’s prohibition on unconstitutional changes of government and its emphasis on regular, transparent polls.
In Côte d’Ivoire, 83-year-old President Alassane Ouattara claimed a fourth term with a staggering 89.77% of the vote in an election marked by historically low turnout and the exclusion of his two primary challengers. Ouattara, in power since 2011, has faced criticism for what opponents call a clampdown on dissent, including barring rivals on dubious legal grounds. The result? An election hailed as the “most peaceful in years” by some observers, but only because opposition voices were silenced before the ballots were cast. This blatant manipulation undermines the ACDEG’s core principles of political pluralism and the right to participate freely in governance, turning the charter into a hollow promise.
Now, turn to Tanzania, where the general elections are set for October 29, 2025—just two days from now. President Samia Suluhu Hassan, the country’s first female leader, is poised for re-election in what feels more like a coronation than a contest. Her major opponents have been systematically sidelined: senior opposition figures detained, including one arrested outside a courtroom during the treason trial of party leader Tundu Lissu.
Reports of enforced disappearances abound, with critics like former ambassador Humphrey Polepole vanishing without a trace, fueling fears of state-sponsored abductions. Adding to the authoritarian playbook, social media platforms have faced restrictions, with X (formerly Twitter) blocked earlier this year and ongoing concerns about broader censorship ahead of the vote. Such tactics not only stifle free expression but violate the ACDEG’s call for equitable access to state media and the protection of human rights during electoral processes. Suluhu, once hailed as a reformer after succeeding the late John Magufuli in 2021, has dashed those hopes by deepening repression, raising alarms from human rights groups about a climate of fear.
Further west, Guinea’s upcoming presidential election on December 28, 2025, promises more of the same. Following a 2021 military coup, junta leader General Mamady Doumbouya is expected to run after a September referendum approved a new constitution that clears his path to candidacy. The process has been marred by a shocking $100,000 deposit requirement for candidates, effectively pricing out opposition and entrenching military influence. This transition from coup to “elected” rule mocks the ACDEG’s explicit ban on unconstitutional changes of government, highlighting how juntas exploit electoral facades to legitimize their grip on power.
These examples are not isolated anomalies but symptoms of a broader crisis in African politics. The ACDEG, intended as a bulwark against such abuses, has proven toothless due to the African Union’s inconsistent enforcement. While the charter condemns coups and mandates sanctions for violations like election rigging or internet shutdowns during polls, the AU often prioritizes stability over accountability, allowing leaders to bend rules with impunity. Academic analyses point to a long history of debates on democratic governance, yet progress remains stalled as incumbents prioritize self-preservation over the people’s will.
It’s time for African citizens, civil society, and regional bodies to demand more than lip service to the ACDEG. The AU should impose meaningful sanctions on violators, and international partners must condition aid on genuine reforms. True change will come from the ground up through vigilant journalism, grassroots activism, and an unwavering commitment to the democratic ideals our charter espouses. Anything less, and Africa’s political landscape will remain a tragic comedy, where the only losers are the people.